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Sadly, the party's second-rung and cadres do not seem to be aware of this and made no attempt to put pressure on EPS to devise proper election strategies and deliver electoral victories. For him, victory over OPS seems to be enough. With the gap being over 7 per cent between the two fronts, and the prospect of this widening due to the OPS factor, EPS is doing little to correct the wrong strategies in previous elections, nor is he devising a way to corner the DMK. In this battle of perception, OPS can deliver enough punches to leave the AIADMK on the back-foot in his war with the EPS camp. The DMK sports a huge smile, conscious of the fact that the public could prefer a strong, stable, united party as against a group of street-fighters (AIADMK). Whether OPS succeeds or not, he can do considerable damage to the AIADMK cause from within the party, as the public is fed an image of a squabbling party which cannot set its house even after several years and successive electoral defeats in the last four years. The scene of action thus shifts to Delhi where OPS seeks to move the Election Commission (the AIADMK could get paralysed if its two-leaves symbol (created by MGR) gets frozen in a renewed tussle for supremacy in the party). Two others, who were not in favour of any ties with Sasikala, K Semmalai and C Ponnaiyan, too decided to back EPS in the run-up to the general council meeting of the AIADMK a few days ago. Maitreyan, strong supporters of OPS from Chennai, switched loyalties to join the EPS camp for the same reason. LP Munisamy, who hails from the Vanniyar community in northern Tamil Nadu, and who was shepherding a section of Vanniyar supporters in the north for OPS, became a spokesman of EPS. This strategy faced backlash from a few supporters of OPS, who joined hands with him in 2017 to oppose Sasikala, having suffered at her hands during the dominant-days of the Jaya-Sasi combine in the party, moved to the EPS camp, the additional factor being the bread-crumbs in the form of party positions given to them by EPS. However, two years later, in a u-turn, OPS, trying to match the Gounder strength of EPS in the western belt, desperately tried to revive support from the Thevar belt in southern Tamil Nadu, and as part of this strategy he displayed a soft corner for Sasikala, also a Thevar, in a bid to consolidate the once-dominant community in the party. Again, as urged by the BJP top brass, OPS insisted on ouster of Sasikala and her family from the party as a condition for his group's merger with the EPS faction of the AIADMK, though most of the AIADMK ministers supported her. But as things turned out, it was EPS who got the CM post, picked, of course, by Sasikala. Had he remained silent for a few more days, Sasikala would have nominated OPS as Chief minister and party leader in her absence (when she had to leave for Bengaluru prison after conviction in the DA case) in 2017. The first was in early 2017 when he attacked Sasikala's leadership, at the instance of the BJP, after being party to the unanimous resolutions to elect her as party general secretary and also as Leader of the Legislature Party. On two occasions, this caused him setbacks. His problem has been that of playing to BJP's tune. OPS, on his part, too, is more interested in upstaging EPS, or at best, trying to retain his position against onslaughts from the latter's supporters at every party meeting.
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